The West created new type of state which main instrument of dominance over
its own people and in the ‘spheres of influence’ became manipulation of conscious.
This phenomena has got the name of ‘transition’ — from the ‘old regime’ tyranny,
based on the open violence and constraint, to freedom and democracy. To justify this type
of dominance there was formed new political philosophy as well as the necessary instrument
— ‘forth power’, mass media.
As the main instrument of this type of state dominance modern media are
turned virtually into mobile private enterprises — state contractors. In these private
TV and publishing companies new technologies of conscious manipulation are developed,
tested and used on a mass scale. The chain of this process includes professional
specialists who constitute already a considerable part of cultural strata of modern
society. One of the most significant characteristics of this process and its participants
— total lack of shame — and shamelessness as such has turned into special technology
of disarming ‘average’ human being at the face of conscious manipulation and
qualitative shift in moral delimitation.
One French philosopher defined this new type of human existence based on
interaction of the modern political and informational technologies as ‘society of
show’. And Italian culturologist G. Agamben proposed to call the contemporary condition
of the world ‘society of show’ as ‘Epoch of Timishoara’ — by the name of small
Rumanian ton where the first act of Chaushesku overthrow show was staged with the help of
tremendous falsifications. And though these falsifications were used against the regime
considered to be evil personified, such technologies cannot be justified by any good
Through other examples S. Kara-Murza shows in the article real purpose of
raising mass media influence as a new quality of Western culture and important aspect of
the new ‘World Order’ with all the dangerous results. Most detailed part of this
analysis is dedicated to the Western — and mass media campaign against Belgrade and
Serbs at large and total unwillingness to give history and reality a proper place. The
author underlines as well the dangers of such developments in Russian mass media,
especially concerning situations linked with internal conflicts.
IDOLS OF HUMANISM AND IDEALS OF PEACEMAKING
(by Andrey Fetissov, p.33)
By the end of XX century contemporary forms of nationalism assumed
absolutely disastrous character on vast scale. Unfortunately scaring nationalistic
inspirations were more than often provoked by flagrant and unreasoned steps of the Western
Powers and international bodies. Nevertheless, with quite a few exceptions, this century
cannot provide real examples of successful prevention or total resolution of ethnic
conflicts. Moreover, the international community has not succeed in elaborating proper
criteria to define real intentions of the parties involved in such conflicts.
Balkan wars of the last decade demonstrated futility of the attempts to
divide conflict participants by the wrong-right principle. And this is despite the
existence of a lot of international bodies created with the aim of peaceful resolution of
various contradictions between states and nations. Almost always the formal laws fail to
work in cases when disputable issues have to be solved. Thus two fundamental principles of
contemporary international relations — right to self-determination and priority of
territorial integrity — come into irreconcilable conflict. And current situation around
Yugoslavia turns into the most striking example here.
It seems now that the existing law systems aren’t able to guarantee
political stability as well as disintegration of Imperial structures doesn’t necessarily
leads to desired strengthening of the World order, as it was previously considered.
NATO’s aggression in the Balkans is fraught with the danger of negative
changes in the field of international law and previously indisputable human values. Today
the law of precedents is being formed and details of the future World order are being
defined — very much to the selfish interests of very few main ‘players’ on the
international arena. Countries and nations aren’t the subjects of the World politics any
more — such are the blocks and alliances, formed by those ‘players’. It is more and
more obvious that notorious ‘open society’ is meant only for them — self-selected
‘World Judges’, replacing humanistic ethics by ideologically grounded pragmatism.
The author raises some profound questions concerning the role and place of
Russia in the world at the face of these ‘innovations’, including the proper
peacemaking image — the most appropriate for Russia in the XXI century.
KOSOVO — NEED FOR NEW FOREIGN POLICY PARADIGMS
(by Mohan Menon, p.49)
Modern leaderships today, whether in Europe or elsewhere, betray little
command over their political economies and often ignore history. They tend to overlook the
fact that the march of political forces during and after the IInd World War had created
only an unstable political equilibrium in parts of Europe which needed to be sedimented
into firmer forms within the concerned polities. In postwar Europe outward resolutions of
problems of ethnic divides concealed hidden contradictions based on ethnic multiplicity as
in some special regions like Kosovo. In this background the veritable breakdown of the
socialist structures in Europe had clearly necessitated certain “preventive” and
“specific” responsibilities for the international community, mainly the United Nations
and military structures like NATO, that sought a unique status of their own besides
independent expositions of a fervent, almost nervous ideology defending their own
self-interest on the European stage.
Were this preventive responsibilities suitably addressed by the
international fora? If the Kosovo ethnic problem magnified into an international crisis,
in fact an unpleasant ware in 1999, who is to blame for currents of escalation that
displaced as it were saner counsels that sought to avert the escalation? Did the UN try
hard enough, it is difficult to answer; did the US and the NATO alliance strive hard
enough, equally difficult to answer, or was Slobodan Milosevic solely to blame for
aggravation, again no answer can be readily proffered. Unfortunately, perspectives of
rationality were lacking both within Belgrade leadership and among international forces
spearheaded by NATO, or even within the UN left playing a helpless second fiddle.
The possible emergence of Kosovo as virtually independent entity is indeed
no final solution even if the Milisevic structures are dismantled eventually. Therefore
this crisis once again put forward banal truth — extreme need of new paradigms for
international relations based on moral imperatives of peace rather than on destructive
political or military instruments of domination
YUGOSLAVIAN TRAGEDY — STROKE AT NONPROLIFERATION
(by A.Podberezkin, p.57)
Profound changes in the system of international relations through the last
decade generated scaring chasm in economic and military power of Russia and the USA —
two poles of the bipolar world. This considerably strengthened the US position in Europe
and Far East, reinforced their role in NATO and in determining global security problems.
Progressing globalisation of NATO strategic conception took place under the open US
pressure and answered their claims for sole supremacy in the changing world.
NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia confirmed an old wisdom — the
first victim of war is TRUTH. And it comes particularly obvious when two main questions
are raised — WHY and WHAT FOR? As to ‘WHY’ — all the facts and figures of this
military operation make clear that the declared purposes of the US and other Western
politicians — to solve ethnic crisis in Kosovo and to stop humanitarian calamity —
were not achieved. On the contrary, this operation enlarged the scale of Kosovo tragedy
including the role and place of Kosovo Albanians. The answer to ‘WHAT FOR’ should be
sought in the field of Washington geopolitical interests — in all their aspects,
including development of a universal pattern of action in any region considered to be ‘a
zone of vital interests’.
Nevertheless, it is more clear now that the US leadership has not
succeeded in calculating various consequences of the Balkan operation. And one of the most
serious conclusions points at the negative impact of this aggression on the process of
‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ proliferation of nuclear weapons. It’s hardly
possible to deny that the war in Yugoslavia will give a new powerful impulse to
development of advanced nuclear weapons in the states already possessing them
(‘vertical’ proliferation) as well as to appearance of new nuclear states
From this standpoint the author analyses various possibilities of nuclear
proliferation, particularly underlying that expansion of ‘nuclear club’ will
inevitably lead to the drastic changes in the military-power balance and to infringement
of strategic stability on a regional and global scale.
BALKANS IN THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. SOME PROBLEMS AND
(by E.Baranovsky, p.67)
European historical stereotypes concerning the Balkans were formed long
ago — and the present event only strengthened the negative image of this region. The
Balkans as ‘powder keg’, ‘balkanization’ as a synonym of extreme fragmentation —
all this constitutes part of modern political terminology while such notion as
‘Balkans’ is used to define something opposite to the West in traditions, culture,
economic development, interstate conflicts and inability to solve regional problems
independently. Such approach to the Balkans became wide spread again after the end of
‘cold war’ alongside with the wave of wars on the territory of the former Yugoslavia
but all the attempts of mass media and analysts failed to succeed in explaining the core
of the Balkan events — and Kosovo crisis only increased this embarrassment.
The author dedicates the article to some historical and geopolitical
aspects of the Balkans place and role in international relations which may help to
understand current Balkan problems. Special attention is drawn to the internal political
systems, external aims, problems and policy of the Balkan countries from the view point of
relations in the region proper and in the wider contexts.
Analyzing the evolution of Russian approach to Yugoslavian crisis the
author underscores inevitability of serious changes in this process determined by forcible
historical and modern factors including geopolitical illusions of new Russian democrats as
well as of national-communist opposition. The author underlines also the role of NATO
policy of expansion towards the East as provoking profound change and achievement of
consensus in Russian political elite concerning the Balkans.
From the author view point Russian policy in the region will depend on
three main factors:
• development of particular crisis situation on the Balkans (today it is
• internal political situation in Russia itself;
• the policy of the West and the USA and Russian perception of this
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY EFFORTS TO SOLVE IT
(by E.Baranovsky, p.79)
Kosovo problem attracted attention of European states practically right
after Bosnian conflict — in 1996 European Union delegation already began negotiations
with Belgrade and Kosovo Albanians. European states insisted on expansion of Kosovo
autonomy and demanded from Belgrade to cease using force in this region. Russian
authorities as well expressed deep concern in connection with possible negative
developments of this conflict and pointed to necessity of solving the crisis on the base
of the principle of territorial integrity of Yugoslavia.
From the very beginning there was great attention to this conflict not
only on behalf of European organizations as such, but also on behalf of NATO and the USA
especially. Under the UN aegis there was established the special Contact Group with
Russia, Germany, France, Italy and the Great Britain. That is how the process of
international intervention into Yugoslavian crisis expanded — with a great deal being
influenced by historical and modern factors of various states interests and contradictions
on the Balkans. And that is how there was created certain external political environment
of the conflict in which its participants were acting.
The author gives detailed chronological and documented picture of all the
international efforts and deeds of the Kosovo crisis development up to nowadays along with
the special analysis and evaluation of Russian approach to the conflict at its different
stages. All this drives the author to the conclusion that the international community
still has a long way ahead and a lot to do in the field of peacekeeping before Kosovo
problem ceases to exist.
ANOTHER FAILURE OF RUSSIAN DIPLOMACY
(by Yu.Babych., p.103)
A weak state cannot offer strong diplomacy. Any diplomacy is effective
only being supported by the state power and political will of state leadership clearly
comprehending interests of the state. None of these is possessed by Eltzin’s Russia.
From the author view point present economic situation combined with utmost
corruption and considerable dependence on the Western credits as well as other internal
political problems do not give the country a chance to play serious independent role on
the international arena.
The author dedicates the article to the thorough critical analysis of
Russian policy concerning Balkans as from the time of former foreign minister A.Kozyrev
and up to nowadays giving the whole picture of its development in chronological details.
The focus of the analysis is placed on the Kosovo crisis which is considered by the author
as the most crucial example of the recent failures of Russian diplomacy — with the
negative results not only for Yugoslavia but for Russia in particular.
Beside the loss of profound independent influence on the global arena the
main thesis of author’s approach to this field of Russian foreign policy at large and
Kosovo crisis particularly is the danger of pro-Western orientation with such possible
consequences as the use of “limited sovereignty” paradigm against Russia itself —
especially in the light of such internal conflicts as in the Caucasus.
ECONOMY OF WAR AND PEACE
(by D.Nikolayenko, p.127)
The article is dedicated to one of the main aspects of war and peace on
the Balkans — evolution of territory socio-cultural developing through the war-and-peace
War-and-peace dynamics on the Balkans is very specific. Since the end of
XIX century this region is characterized by frequent periodic and lingering conflicts
preceding World Wars. In this context it is important to elaborate systemic approach to
analyses of the Balkan conflicts which may help to manage them properly.
The author offers some new approaches to the understanding of Balkan
states economy on the base of specific geographical and geopolitical position of the
region and consequent various external impacts on its different parts. On the other hand
the author makes an attempt to link various types of war to socio-cultural developing of
different territories by different socio-cultural systems.
Main part of the article is dedicated to the detailed analysis of the
economic consequences of the Balkan conflict for the Western Europe and the USA and to the
possible results of their influence of the future development of the region.